He was born in 1944 in Adana, Turkey into a family of Uzbek refugees. Enver was quite young at 23, but he already had a very stormy past behind him. The man in the room, Enver Altaylı, was working on newspapers and documents from the Soviet Central Asia, which had recently arrived at the institute library. My thanks go to all.ġ Sometime in 1966 or 1967, a phone rang in the office building of Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü (Institute for Research on Turkish Culture, hereafter TKAE) at Tunus Caddesi No.
Finally, Oğuz Can Ok was of great assistance in doing research, sorting out research material and preparing the tables. Anonymous reviewers of the EJTS helped me improve the argument. I must particularly single out those by Ryosuke Ono. Audiences at the İstanbul workshop and the Orientalistentag at Hamburg provided comments and suggestions. Marie Bossaert and Emmanuel Szurek invited me twice, to İstanbul and Hamburg, for presenting earlier versions of this article and encouraged me all along.
Finally, I will conclude by discussing what the TKAE episode teaches us in understanding Cold War Turkey. Next, I will provide information about the foundation of the TKAE, its institutional structure, membership, aims and activities. Proving the convergence of American interests and the interests of right-wing Turkish elites is going to be my goal here. I will first describe the Cold War environment in which the TKAE was born by putting this institution into its international and domestic contexts in two separate sections. Ostensibly, the TKAE was an academic institute, doing research on the Turkic world however, its political objectives, as I attempt to show, went far beyond the scholarly confines of academia. This article focuses on the Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü (TKAE), founded in Ankara in 1961. El País.The study of the cultural Cold War, the untold story of how the USA and the USSR employed and often exploited the academia and the arts for war purposes, is now a particularly fruitful line of inquiry, but it has scarcely reached the field of Turkish studies. (2020, enero 24) Científicos adelantan el ‘reloj del apocalipsis’: quedan cien segundos para el fin del mundo. Las formas de la violencia en el mundo actual. Reprochan madres de desaparecidos inacción del gobierno. Recuperada de ĭe la redacción (31 de agosto de 2020). Campaña por nuestros desparecidos #LesQueremosdeVuelta.
Movimiento por Nuestros Desaparecidos en México. To break this inertial dominance and conduct itself autonomously, humanity must expose and be aware of what happens in the nocturnal sphere of history, characterized by human destruction, hunger, human trafficking, the new slavery and self-annihilation.Īdorno, T. The construction of historical events is seen by critical theory as the product of an economic mechanism that already contains the possibility of protesting against that order and, with the unfolding of critical subjectivity, allowing the actions of men not to respond to a blind domain, but to result from their own decisions. The position of discourse in which this writing is inscribed is the critical theory of society, which deduces its statements about real situations from basic universal concepts, but not only in terms of their necessity in a logical sense, but also their concrete necessity. What is required is a break in the historical continuum: reject violence and speak out in favor of the dignity of the human being. But the expectation of accessing a state of humanity and a different surrounding world cannot be possible if one remains tied to the ideology of progress. This article updates the problem that the Frankfurt School faced regarding the analysis of the conditions that configure the technical and natural environment in industrialized societies and, with it, the real possibilities to make life on Earth at once a hell of destructiveness and desolation as the opposite.
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